The story

Samuel Jones

Samuel Jones


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Samuel Milton Jones was born in Ty Mawr, Wales, on 8th August, 1846. The family emigrated in 1849 to the United States and settled in New York. After a brief schooling he started work at the age of ten.

At eighteen Jones moved to Titusville, Pennsylvania, where he found work in the oil industry as a driller, pumper, tool-dresser and pipe-liner. After inventing an improved oil-pumping mechanism, in 1892, Jones set up his own business, the Acme Sucker Rod Company, in Toledo, Ohio. Jones made a considerable fortune manufacturing his invention.

Jones was was also influenced by the views of William Morris, Walt Whitman and Leo Tolstoy. A generous employer, Jones introduced a profit-sharing scheme, an eight-hour day, a forty-eight week week, paid holidays and free recreational facilities. His critics claimed he was a Socialist, but as his great friend Brad Whitlock was to say later, "although he shared the Socialists's great dream of an ordered society" he could never "endure anything so doctrinaire as Socialism".

In 1897 Jones, a member of the Republican Party, stood for the post of mayor of Toledo. During his campaign advocated the public ownership of utilities, free parks and playgrounds, and an end to corruption in city government. Jones was elected but he was seen as too radical by the Republicans and they put up an alternative candidate in 1899. Jones now stood as an independent and was so popular he won 70 per cent of the vote.

Samuel Milton Jones was also re-elected in 1901 and 1903 but died while in office on 12th July, 1904. In his will, Jones left a large sum to his employees.

In 1893 Jones invented the "sucker rod." This permitted deep-well drilling. He patented his invention and began to manufacture it. In 1894 he began Acme Sucker Rod Company. His factory was open during a time of depression and Toledoans sought work there. In his company he enforced the Golden Rule. He treated his employees well and paid them a fair wage. He also had workers keep their own time, gave employees paid vacations, had company insurance plans, and allowed employees to be active in profit sharing.

Jones was elected mayor of Toledo on February 25, 1897, after having lived in Toledo for only five years. He was a progressive mayor who preached Christ's teachings, supported the idea of equality of men, and focused on establishing a uniform three-cent fare on streetcars, as well as solving problems of unemployment and poverty. A campaign promise was to establish public parks and playgrounds. He believed this was important and, as an example, he purchased vacant ground that adjoined his factory and equipped it with everything necessary for a playground. This area, named Golden Rule Park, was created three years after he was elected mayor.

Samuel Jones was a man who tried to practice the fundamental philosophy of Christianity. All the newspapers were against him, and all the preachers. When the people came to vote for his re-election his majorities were overwhelming, so that he used to say that everybody was against him but the people.

In those days I had not met him. One day, suddenly, as I was working on a story in my office, in he stepped with a startling, abrupt manner, wheeled a chair up to my desk, and sat down. He was a big Welshman with a sandy complexion and great hands that had worked hard in their time, and he had an eye that looked right into the centre of your skull. He wore, and all the time he was in the room continued to wear, a large cream-coloured slouch hat, and he had on the flowing cravat which for some inexplicable reason artists and social reformers wear; their affinity being due, no doubt, to the fact that the reformer must be an artist of a sort, else he could not dream his dreams.

He had a practical air of the very practical business man he had been before he became mayor. He had been such a practical business man that he was worth half a million, a fairly good fortune for our town; but he had not been in office very long before all the business men were down on him, and saying that what the town needed was a business man for mayor. They disliked him of course because he would not do just what they told him to that being the meaning and purpose of a business man for mayor. The politicians and preachers objected to him on the same grounds: the unpardonable sin being to express in any but a purely ideal and sentimental form sympathy for the workers or the poor.

The ethics of the wild beast, the survival of the strongest, shrewdest, and meanest, have been the inspiration of our materialistic lives during the last quarter or half century. The fact in our national history has brought us today face to face with the inevitable result. We have cities in which a few are wealthy, a few are in what may be called comfortable circumstances, vast numbers are propertyless, and thousands are in pauperism and crime. Certainly, no reasonable person will contend that this is the goal that we have been struggling for; that the inequalities that characterize our rich and poor represent the idea that the founders of this republic saw when they wrote that "All men are created equal."

The new patriotism is the love of the millions that is already planning for and opening the way to better things, to a condition of life under this government when every child born in it will have an equal opportunity with every other child to live the best possible kind of life that he or she can live. This is the new patriotism - that feeling within one's breast that tells us that there can be no prosperity for some without there is a possibility for some prosperity for all, and that there can be no peace for some without opportunity for some peace for all; that man is a social being, society is a unit, an organism, not a heap of separate grains of sand, each one struggling for its own welfare. We are all so inextricably bound together that there is no possibility of finding the individual good except in the good of all.

The competitive idea at present dominant is most of our political and business life is, of course, the seed root of all the trouble. The people are beginning to understand that we have been pursuing a policy of plundering ourselves, that in the foolish scramble to make individuals rich we have been making all poor. "For a hundred years or so," says Henry Demarest Lloyd, "our economic theory has been one of industrial government by the self-interest of the individual; political government by the self-interest of the individual we call anarchy." It is one of the paradoxes of public opinion that the people of America, least tolerant of this theory of anarchy in political government, lead in practicing it in industry. We are coming to see that the true philosophy of government is to let the individual do what the individual can do best, and let the government do what the government can do best.

Our cities are to be saved by the development of the collective idea. We are coming to understand that every public utility and necessity to the public welfare should be publicly owned, publicly operated, and publicly paid for. Among the properties that according to any scientific conception of the purpose of government should be so owned are waterworks, heating and lighting plants, street railways, telephones, fire alarms, telegraphs, parks, playgrounds, baths, wash-houses, municipal printing establishments, and many other industries necessary to the welfare of the whole family that can only be successfully operated by the family in the interests of the whole family.

The story of his life was one that appealed to native Americans and immigrants of the lower economic levels, for, as told in his autobiography, it was a story of "rags to riches." Born in an ancient stone house in North Wales in 1846, he emigrated in steerage to America at the age of three. The family, including seven children, settled in Lewis County, New York, where the father worked in the stone quarries, as a stone mason, and as a farmer. Sam started to work at ten years old; at fourteen he was working in a saw mill twelve hours a day. A few years later lie left home for the oil fields around Titusville, Pennsylvania.

Jones had been working on improvements for oil well machinery. After Standard Oil declared lack of interest in his patents, he established his own factory, the Acme Sticker Rod Company, to manufacture clasp joint couplings, pull-rods, combination clamp stirrups, and line pumping jacks. His entry into modern industry brought him a fortune and a social awakening. When swarms of men sought work at his factory, he met for the first time a different kind of man, piteous in his appeal and groveling in his feeling of inferiority before employer and boss. This Jones could not stomach. He immediately adopted as his motto: "The Business of this shop is to make men; the making of money is only air incidental detail." He "ignored the sacred rules of business," and posted only one rule for himself and his industry, "Therefore, whatsoever things ye would that men should do to you, do you even so to them." His attempt to run his shop according to this precept won for him the sobriquet, "Golden Rule" Jones.

He determined to set up a shop without "rules" or "bosses"; he established the eight-hour day and forty-eight-hour week, while other plants were working ten and twelve hours for six days; no child labor was permitted, and no "piece-work" or "piece price" plan; overtime was abolished to allow for the employment of more men; there were no timekeepers, no timeclock, and no "ringing in" (each man kept his own time); a week’s vacation with pay was granted to every worker; every man with the company a year got a minimum of twelve dollars a week, and at Christmas a bonus of five per cent of the years salary was given. Outings and picnics were enjoyed by the employees and their families.

Jones encouraged music, and supported the organization of a chorus and a band by his workers. At the corner of Segur and Field Avenues lie converted a lot into Golden Rule Park and Playground. Here on Sunday afternoons he sponsored concerts and presented noted speakers. With the help of his sister Ellen, he established Golden Rule House as a community center, and here a kindergarten was established. Over the shop he opened Golden Rule Hall for club and social meetings. Here to he furnished the noon meal to his workers at fifteen cents. A co-operative insurance program was inaugurated in which employees and the factory established a fund to pay sickness arid injury benefits, the workers managing the fund and making rules for distribution. In 1901 Jones established a profit-sharing system by which the employees became stockholders. Finally, shortly before his death, Jones created the Golden Rule Trust Fund which is used to pay insurance to families of the workers. He encouraged his men to unionize, and marched with them in Labor Day parades.

In fifth place is Toledo's colorful Progressive Era mayor, Samuel "Golden Rule" Jones (1897-1904). A picturesque and eccentric millionaire manufacturer who railed against the very monopoly system (patent laws) that had made him wealthy, Jones sometimes took to standing on his head on streetcorners to make a point, and he preached Christian love and brotherhood to all who would listen. He instituted a "Golden Rule" in his factories, having to do with higher pay and more leisure time for workers to enjoy his Golden Rule Park while listening to his Golden Rule Band serenade the proletariat. In office, Jones tried to humanize the city's treatment of the poor and unemployed, took nightsticks away from the police, and frequently discharged criminals from the police court because he believed they were the products of a bad society. He also campaigned for municipal ownership of the utilities, public ownership of national trusts, fair pay for labor, and a better social order for all. And thus one of the most chronicled-by-the-press popular mayors of the fin-de-siécle period did not escape the notice of our experts, who ranked Jones fifth-best among all the mayors who ever held office.


Samuel M. Jones

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Samuel M. Jones, in full Samuel Milton Jones, byname Golden Rule Jones, (born August 3, 1846, Ty Mawr, Wales—died July 12, 1904, Toledo, Ohio, U.S.), Welsh-born U.S. businessman and civic politician notable for his progressive policies in both milieus.

Jones immigrated to the United States with his parents at age three and grew up in New York. At age 18, after very little schooling, he went to work in the oil fields of Titusville, Pennsylvania. Jones rose from field hand to oil producer. His invention of an improved oil-pumping mechanism in 1891 earned him a fortune. He opened a factory in Toledo, Ohio, to manufacture his invention and introduced there a host of employee benefits, including the eight-hour workday, profit sharing, paid vacations, a minimum wage, Christmas bonuses, and recreational facilities.

His guide in dealing with employees, Jones attested, was the Golden Rule, and admirers and critics alike (many businessmen despised him as a supposed socialist) applied that term as his sobriquet. Nominated by the Republican Party and elected in 1897 as mayor of Toledo, he set about governing by the same ideal. He established free kindergartens and playgrounds and free lodging for the homeless, he granted city employees benefits comparable to those his factory workers enjoyed, he sought to root out corruption from city government, and he advocated public ownership of utilities.

In 1899 the Republicans repudiated Jones and nominated a more conventional candidate for the office of mayor. Yet so popular was Jones with the electorate that he captured more than 70 percent of the vote by running as an independent. Reelected in 1901 and again in 1903, he died in office in 1904. In his will, Jones left a $10,000 “Golden Rule Trust” to the workers in his factory.


Samuel Jones, Esquire

Burial place of
Samuel Jones, Esquire
1734 – 1819
Voted for ratification of the U.S. Constitution, 7-26-1788.

Historical Society of
the Massapequas, 1988

Erected 1988 by Historical Society of the Massapequas.

Topics. This historical marker is listed in this topic list: Cemeteries & Burial Sites. A significant historical year for this entry is 1734.

Location. 40° 39.995′ N, 73° 28.341′ W. Marker is in Massapequa, New York, in Nassau County. Marker is at the intersection of Merrick Road and Massapequa Avenue, on the right when traveling east on Merrick Road. Touch for map. Marker is in this post office area: Massapequa NY 11758, United States of America. Touch for directions.

Other nearby markers. At least 8 other markers are within walking distance of this marker. Col. Benjamin Birdsall (here, next to this marker) West Neck (a few steps from this marker) Massapequa Hotel (about 500 feet away, measured in a direct line) Massapequa 1925 (approx. 0.2 miles away) 1796 Hotel Site (approx. 0.2 miles away) Massapequa Manor (approx. 0.3 miles away) Old Brick House (approx. 0.4 miles away) Red House (approx. half a mile away). Touch for a list and map of all markers in Massapequa.


Samuel Jones was born in Merryville in Beauregard Parish and grew up in nearby DeRidder. He served in the United States Army during World War I. Much of his service was spent at nearby Camp Beauregard in Pineville, Louisiana. After the war, he studied law at the Louisiana State University Law Center in Baton Rouge. He practiced law in DeRidder before moving in 1924 to Lake Charles, the parish seat of Calcasieu Parish, where he practiced law and served as assistant district attorney for nine years. Jones was a delegate to the Louisiana Constitutional Convention of 1921 and an assistant district attorney in the 14th Judicial District from 1925 to 1934. Jones married the former Louise Gambrell Boyer (1902–1996), and they had two children, Robert Gambrell "Bob" Jones and Carolyn Jelks Jones. He adopted Mrs. Boyer's children from her previous marriage, James G. Boyer and William E. Boyer. He also had a tabby (cat) named Katt.

In August 1939, Jones was approached by members of the political faction opposed to the policies of the late Huey Pierce Long Jr. to run for governor in 1940 against Huey's brother, Earl Long. Though initially reluctant, Jones agreed, and ran on a platform promising a return to honest efficient government after the corruption and excesses of the Long years. He particularly emphasized "the scandals" involving Huey Long's successor as governor, Richard W. Leche. Earl Long led in the primary round of voting, but with support from defeated third-place candidate and disgruntled former Long supporter James A. Noe, Jones won a close victory in the runoff election and became governor. Jones received 284,437 (51.7 percent) to Long's 265,403 (48.3 percent). Although Noe and Long quarreled in the 1940 election, they ran—unsuccessfully—as a ticket for governor and lieutenant governor, respectively, in the 1959 Democratic primary. Eliminated in the 1940 primary was future U.S. Representative James H. Morrison of Hammond in the "Florida Parishes" east of Baton Rouge.

As governor, Jones tried to eliminate the power of the Longite political machine by reducing the number of state employees, instituting competitive bidding for state contracts, eliminating the deduct system of mandatory campaign contributions by state employees, and enacting civil service, much of that work having been undertaken in 1940 by the Tulane Law School professor Charles E. Dunbar and completed in 1952 in the Robert F. Kennon administration. [1] Jones worked to increase international trade through the Louisiana ports on the Gulf of Mexico.

He signed the Public Records Act of 1940, which declared most state documents public records and laid the groundwork for the development of the state archives through the work of the historian Edwin Adams Davis. [2]

Joe T. Cawthorn of Mansfield in DeSoto Parish, chaired the Senate Finance Committee but became a persistent critic of Governor Jones, after Jones split politically with former Governor James A. Noe of Monroe, who had been Cawthorn's political mentor. Cawthorn accused Jones of "waste and inefficiency" in state government and was soon allied with the Long faction. [3]

Jones obtained legislative approval of the establishment of a state crime commission, which consisted of the governor, his executive counsel, and the state attorney general. With a $1 million appropriation, the agency was commissioned to pursue those who had stolen state funds or property. Jones suggested that up to $4 million might be recovered. In the state House, Representative James E. Bolin of Minden in Webster Parish sought to reduce the appropriation to $250,000. State Senator Lloyd Hendrick of Shreveport wanted to establish a legislative commission, rather than an executive body. Nevertheless, the measure easily passed both houses and was signed into law. A few lawmakers loyal to then former Governor Earl Long charged that the commission gave too much power to the governor and was "tyrannical" in nature. They sued in the 19th Judicial District Court, which subpoenaed Jones to testify. The governor refused to do so, having cited an executive privilege dating back to U.S. President Thomas Jefferson. The opponents pursued the challenge to the Louisiana Supreme Court, which declared the Jones commission unconstitutional. [4]

In 1942, State Representative DeLesseps Story Morrison, later the mayor of New Orleans, introduced Jones's proposal for a volunteer state guard. One of the five opponents of the bill, T. C. Brister, then a freshman member from Pineville in Rapides Parish, explained that he opposed the measure not because of opposition to the Jones administration but because he believed that the Federal Bureau of Investigation was better suited for handling such wartime security issues. [5]

Jones tapped as state House Speaker the returning State Representative Ralph Norman Bauer of St. Mary Parish, who had in 1929 with Cecil Morgan of Shreveport, led the impeachment forces against Huey Long on charges of abuses of power.

Jones was barred from succeeding himself as governor, [6] and therefore (see 1944 Louisiana gubernatorial election) was succeeded in 1944 by another anti-Long candidate, Jimmie Houston Davis. Coincidentally, Jones and Davis shared the middle name "Houston."

Jones supported highway beautification and preservation of plants and wildlife. His administration hired the Louisiana botanist and naturalist Caroline Dormon of Natchitoches Parish as a consultant for the Louisiana Highway Department.

Jones attempted a gubernatorial comeback in the 1947–1948 election cycle. He assembled an intra-party slate, including the incumbent Lieutenant Governor J. Emile Verret of New Iberia, who failed in a bid for reelection against Long's choice, Bill Dodd. Fred S. LeBlanc, former mayor of Baton Rouge, ran on the Jones slate for |attorney general also D. Ross Banister of Monroe, Louisiana ran for state auditor and Grady Durham for secretary of state on the Jones slate. Dave L. Pearce of West Carroll Parish ran for agriculture commissioner on the Jones slate so did Ellen Bryan Moore as a candidate for register of state lands, who unsuccessfully opposed the incumbent Lucille May Grace. Shelby M. Jackson, the successful candidate for state education superintendent against John E. Coxe, also allied himself with Jones. [7]

Jones and Earl Long led in the primary and hence entered a gubernatorial runoff in which Long handily defeated Jones, 432,528 votes (65.9 percent) to 223,971 ballots (34.1 percent). Other candidates eliminated in the primary were later Governor Robert F. Kennon [U.S. Representative James H. Morrison.

Jones hence returned to Lake Charles to practice law, but he remained a politically prominent member of the anti-Long faction throughout the 1950s. In 1964, Jones endorsed the Republican presidential nominee, Senator Barry M. Goldwater of Arizona, who won Louisiana's ten electoral votes. Jones said that he would remain a Democrat so that he could vote in pivotal Louisiana Democratic primaries—this was before the adoption of the Louisiana nonpartisan blanket primary—but that overall he was disillusioned with his ancestral party.

Jones' son, Bob Jones of Lake Charles, served as a Democrat in the Louisiana House of Representatives (1968–1972) and the state Senate (1972–1976). Like his father, he was considered a political reformer. In 1975, the younger Jones ran in the first of the nonpartisan blanket primaries for governor. He polled 292,220 votes (24.3 percent), a considerable portion from Republicans, but he lost to Democratic incumbent Edwin Washington Edwards, who had 750,107 (62.4 percent). Another candidate, Secretary of State Wade O. Martin Jr., drew 146,368 votes (12.2 percent). Later, both Robert Jones and Wade Martin became Republicans. Bob Jones and his son, Sam Houston Jones II, named for his grandfather, are Lake Charles stockbrokers.

Governor and Mrs. Jones are interred at Prien Memorial Park Cemetery in Lake Charles. They were Methodists.

Jones is honored by the Sam Houston Jones State Park in Moss Bluff, which contains a statue of the former governor.

In 2016, Jones was posthumously inducted into the Louisiana Political Museum and Hall of Fame in Winnfield, twenty-three years after the inclusion of his old rival, Earl Long. [8]


Samuel J. Jones (Sheriff), ca.1820-ca.1880

The Virginia-born Samuel J. Jones, who was to become the "infamous" Sheriff Jones of Douglas County, moved west in the fall of 1854 with his wife and two young children, but he remained true to his native South through his strident supporter of the "peculiar institution." Jones, said to be "about thrirty-five years of age" at that time, and his young family journeyed first to Westport, Missouri, on the border of the newly opened Kansas Territory. The newly arrived settler was soon appointed postmaster of the town, and he quickly became an active participant in the slavery controversy, better known as the Kansas Question.

During the election of the Kansas's first territorial legislature, on March 30, 1855, Jones led a group of pro-slavery men that destroyed the ballot box at Bloomington, Kansas. This action coupled with his pro-slavery sentiment prompted his appointment on August 27, 1855, as first sheriff of Douglas County by the acting Governor Daniel Woodson. Jones executed his new responsibilities with much zeal, suppressing the rights of the free-state men under his jurisdiction and fostering an atmosphere of distrust.

Violence marked the tenure of Sheriff Jones in Douglas County, beginning in November 1855. A free-state man by the name of Charles W. Dow was murdered ten miles south of Lawrence by Franklin N. Coleman, a proslavery man. Immediately after the murder, a friend of Dow's, Jacob Branson, was arrested for attending a free-state protest meeting. He was quickly freed by free-state partisans, but the arrest so alarmed the free-state community that it began to organize a militia and fortify the town of Lawrence. The "Wakarusa War" ensued whereby proslavery militia supporting Sheriff Jones and the governor besieged the city for about a week. On December 8 and 9, James H. Lane and Charles Robinson brokered a truce with Governor Wilson Shannon. Thereafter both sides disbanded, and the war came to an official end.

Soon, however, renewed violence erupted between free-state and proslavery settlers in Douglas County. George W. Brown's free-state newspaper in Lawrence, the Herald of Freedom, had long been a source of bitter contempt to the proslavery forces operating in Kansas. On May 21, 1856, Sheriff Jones, accompanied by a group of proslavery men acting as his posse, entered Lawrence intent on destroying the offices of the Herald of Freedom and the Kansas Free State . In the raid that followed they destroyed the newspaper offices (dumping their type in the Kansas River), looted several other businesses, and burned the Free State Hotel (later the Eldridge House). This action became widely known as the "sack Lawrence."

On January 7, 1857, the tenure of Jones as sheriff of Douglas County came to an end, and he left Kansas Territory. Jones resigned as sheriff of Douglas County in a heated dispute with the territorial governor. The source of the disagreement was the governor's denial of the sheriff's request for "balls and chains" for use on incarcerated free-state men at Lecompton. Jones clearly wanted to impose harsh corporal punishment on his adversaries, and failing to win gubernatorial support for such measures, Jones chose resignation over a more lenient, conciliatory policy. Jones quickly left the territory, moving to New Mexico, where in September 1858 he accepted an appointment as collector of customs at Paso del Norte and eventually purchased a ranch near Mesilla, where he died some years later.

Blackmar, Frank W. Kansas: A Cyclopedia of State History . Vol. II. Chicago, IL: Standard Publishing Co., 1912.

Coffin, William H. "Settlement of the Friends in Kansas." Transactions of the Kansas State Historical Society, 1901-1902 . 7 (1902): n., 333.

Wilder, D. W. The Annals of Kansas, 1541-1885 . Topeka: Kansas Publishing House, 1886.


Samuel Jones

A flamboyant Methodist evangelist, Samuel Jones came to Nashville in 1885 as the result of a boast he made in Memphis that no church in the “city of churches” would be able to contain the crowds he would attract. When Jones made his first appearance on Eighth and Broadway, he preached to a crowd estimated at ten thousand people.

Jones's frequent and violent outbursts against those who sold whiskey drew the interest of Captain Tom Ryman, a Nashville riverboat magnate. Raised a Methodist, Ryman provided free shipping for church-related materials. Since his riverboats also contained gambling casinos, though, he was offended by Jones's condemnation of sellers of whiskey and also worried about the potential loss of business. He attended Jones's meeting with the intention of confronting the evangelist. Seizing the initiative, Jones preached, Ryman listened, and a loyal follower of Jones and Temperance was born. As a result, Ryman built the Union Gospel Tabernacle for the purpose of encouraging religion in Nashville. The building eventually became known as the Ryman Auditorium, the home of Nashville's Grand Ole Opry for many years.

Nashville was the scene of the greatest days of Jones's revival movement. Thousands converted under his preaching, and local churches carried on the message he brought. His relentless attacks on alcohol led to Nashville's becoming a center for the prohibition movement. Returning to the city on numerous occasions, Jones always railed against Nashville's saloons and taverns.


Samuel Jones, Jr.

Samuel Jones, Jr. was born on May 26, 1769 in New York City. He studied at King’s College (now Columbia University) but was forced to withdraw due to ill health. In 1790, he graduated from Yale College and commenced his legal studies in his father’s law office, where De Witt Clinton was also a student.

Jones served in the New York State Assembly from 1812 to 1814, and was Recorder for the City of New York in 1823. Appointed Chancellor of New York in 1826, replacing Nathan Sanford, Jones held the office until 1828, when he became Chief Justice of the Superior Court of New York City. He remained Chief Justice of the Superior Court until the reorganization of the judicial system under the Constitution of 1846. Elected a justice of the New York State Supreme Court from the First Judicial District in 1847, he became an ex officio member of the first New York Court of Appeals bench and wrote opinions resolving issues before the Court, including the interesting case of Ruckman v. Pitcher in which a wager on the result of a horse race in Queens county was held unlawful, notwithstanding the statutes authorizing and regulating the racing of horses in that county.

Samuel Jones, Jr. died on August 9, 1853 in Cold Spring Harbor, New York.

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Samuel Jones - History

SAMUEL JONES, of Belle Vernon, a dealer in lumber and building material of all kinds, also a contractor and builder, conducting his operations at Monessen and Belle Vernon, Pennsylvania, was born on a farm in Rostraver township, Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, June 15, 1857, a son of William and Sarah Jones.

His early education was obtained in the common schools, and this was supplemented by a course in the Duff Business College, and in the Allegheny high school, which he attended several terms. After completing his studies he associated himself with his father in the lumber business at Belle Vernon, beginning in 1885 and continuing until i8g1, when he opened yards at Charleroi. Pennsylvania, conducting business there for three years. After disposing of the same he devoted his attention to the business at Belle Vernon, known as the Belle Vernon Planing Mill Company, up to 1897. when the town of Monessen was started. He purchased the first lots that were sold in that town, and from its very inception has been active in all the building operations therein. He established the first lumber yards in Monessen, 1897, and has continued to conduct the same ever since, it being known as the Monessen Lumber Company. He has been engaged in the contracting and building business for the last two decades, end has done as much if not more than any one other man in the building up of the town of Monessen. In 1901, in company with his brother, J. S. Jones, of Belle Vernon, he opened up McMahon, a second addition to Monessen. comprising twenty acres, which they platted and sold, and which proved a most lucrative investment. He was associated with three other men in the organization of and platting of the Brent Land Company's plat, an addition to Monessen, comprising forty acres. This company, which was organized in 1905, is composed of the following members: Samuel Jones. president George Nash, J. S. Jones and C. F. Eggers. He is also interested in the Perry Manufacturing Company of Perryopolis, Fayette county, Pennsylvania, which was organized in 1905 for the purpose of manufacturing plastering, and brick making materials, also shippers of a fine grade of silica clay. The esteem in which he is held by his fellow citizens is evidenced by the fact that he was chosen to serve on the directorate of the Monessen Savings & Trust Company, of which he was one of the organizers. He is a stockholder in the Valley Deposit & Trust Company of Belle Vernon. In all his business relations he is integrity personified, and is a member of that class whose honor, enterprise and social qualities give character to a community.

Mr. Jones was married February 25, 1886, to Annie C. Murphy, daughter of Joshua and Mary Murphy, the former of whom is deceased and the latter a resident of Belle Vernon, Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania. Mr. and Mrs. Jones are members of the Methodist Episcopal church. They reside at the corner of Vine and Broad avenue, North Belle Vernon, Pennsylvania.

Source: Page(s) 230, History of Westmoreland County, Volume II, Pennsylvania by John N Boucher. New York, The Lewis Publishing Company, 1906.
Transcribed August 2008 by Nathan Zipfel for the Westmoreland County History Project
Contributed for use by the Westmoreland County Genealogy Project (http://www.pa-roots.com/westmoreland/)

Westmoreland County Genealogy Project Notice:

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Samuel Porter Jones


Ten years old when he came to Cartersville from Oak Bowery, Alabama in 1858, Sam Jones received his high schooling under the tutelage of William and Rebecca Felton, later graduating from Euharlee Academy with high honors in 1867. At his father's insistence, Jones studied for the bar at home and was admitted into the legal profession in 1868. Completely unsuccessful as a lawyer, Jones suffered mental depression and alcoholism, working at menial jobs for the next few years in order to support a wife and new family. A miraculous conversion at his father's deathbed in August 1872 turned Jones's life around, and he entered the Methodist ministry that year.

Jones managed several small circuits in Northwest Georgia until 1880, when he was assigned to the Methodist Orphanage in Decatur. The appointment freed Jones from being tied-down to local churches, and his preaching flourished and his reputation grew as he traveled the state raising money for the orphanage. Jones enjoyed preaching before large crowds, and in 1884 was invited to preach a revival in Memphis. Preaching in Nashville in 1885, Jones numbered among his converts there the infamous river boat captain, Tom Ryman. Ecstatic in his new-found faith, Ryman then built a tabernacle for Jones and other preachers, Union Gospel Tabernacle, later Ryman Auditorium, home of the Grand Ole Opry.

By 1886, Jones was the most famous and celebrated evangelist of his time, attracting a national congregation with a style, wit, and delivery heretofore unknown. Jones cared little for theological doctrine, emphasizing instead the simplicity of living a good life with a message as simple as "Quit your meanness." While his flamboyant style attracted the favorable attention of the masses, it raised the ire of Methodist leaders, and in 1893, Jones split with the church, but continued to preach as an independent evangelist until his death in 1906. Heading home to Cartersville from an engagement in Oklahoma City, Jones died of a mysterious ailment on the train near Little Rock, Arkansas. His wife was with him. Thirty thousand mourners viewed the body as it lay in state in the rotunda of the Capital in Atlanta. Two thousand met the train in Marietta, and 3,000 gathered at the depot in Cartersville when Jones came home for the last time. Though he had many opportunities to make his home elsewhere, Jones remained a resident of Cartersville throughout his successful career.


Watch the video: Samuel Jones: Roundings, Symphonic Suite 2000 (July 2022).


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